帮我翻译一下吧5555平安夜都没睡好

楼主:werq1 时间:2007-12-25 04:49:00 点击:370 回复:20
脱水 打赏 看楼主 设置

字体:

边距:

背景:

还原:

The tangled politics in this close-knit group -- Stern’s wife has worked recently as a top Sweeney aide on environmental issues -- makes any leadership battle unpredictable. CWA President Morton Bahr, an elder statesman of the federation, opposed Sweeney in 1995, figuring a power struggle was bad for labor, even though he agreed with Sweeney’s goals. He feels the same today and says he stands behind the incumbent but agrees that NUP raises urgent questions. "I’ll listen to what they propose, but I’m not ready to tear down the institution in order to remake it," he says.
  
  If Stern and his NUP pals can’t persuade enough union leaders that labor’s near-extinction requires drastic action, the last resort may be to form a new labor movement à la John L. Lewis. Right now, the threat is mostly a way to provoke a sense of crisis. And so far it seems to be working: America’s unions are poised for an internal debate more wide-ranging than any they have had in decades. Although it’s still early, one possible outcome is a more militant, pumped-up labor movement. If that happens, employers could feel renewed pressure to share with workers more of the gains from the economy’s healthy productivity growth. Either way, the U.S. labor movement is in for some turbulent times.
  

打赏

0 点赞

主帖获得的天涯分:0
举报 | | 楼主 | 埋红包
楼主发言:1次 发图:0张 | 添加到话题 |
作者:东灌灌西灌灌 时间:2007-12-25 12:04:12
  能为这个睡不好 也难得
  
楼主werq1 时间:2007-12-25 12:55:08
  节选的其中的两段 5叶A4的纸呢 本来要交的 还好中午打电话还可以多一天 哎 本来英语也不好的说....句子为什么要写那么长一个哦 显示其比较高贵?不懂
作者:张小运 时间:2007-12-25 22:20:51
  to be a santa
作者:cherry0792 时间:2007-12-25 23:40:13
  作者:东灌灌西灌灌 回复日期:2007-12-25 12:04:12 
    能为这个睡不好 也难得
  ************************************************************
  严重同意。
  作者:张小运 回复日期:2007-12-25 22:20:51 
    to be a santa
  **********************************************************
  这么容易发愁,怎么能够当Mr. Santa,给大家带来欢乐呢。
  
  
  
  
作者:cherry0792 时间:2007-12-26 00:02:19
  The tangled politics in this close-knit group -- Stern’s wife has worked recently as a top Sweeney aide on environmental issues -- makes any leadership battle unpredictable.(这个庞大严密的组织里,政治关系错综复杂(Stern的老婆近期是Sweeney在处理环境问题的高级助理)(Stern和Sweeney分别是高层对立两方的核心,我觉得),出现让人意想不到了领导阶层的斗争。
   CWA President Morton Bahr, an elder statesman of the federation, opposed Sweeney in 1995, figuring a power struggle was bad for labor, even though he agreed with Sweeney’s goals.CWA的会长Morton Bahr,作为一名联邦的政界元老,在1995年曾反对Sweeney,指出权利斗争对劳工不利,虽然他认同Sweeney的目标。
   He feels the same today and says he stands behind the incumbent but agrees that NUP raises urgent questions. "I’ll listen to what they propose, but I’m not ready to tear down the institution in order to remake it," he says.今天他感到这是同当年相同的情况,并说他有义务必须同意NUP所提出的紧急的质疑“我将听听他们的建议(NUP的建议)但我并不准备分裂组织,重建组织”
    
    
作者:cherry0792 时间:2007-12-26 00:20:49
  If Stern and his NUP pals can’t persuade enough union leaders that labor’s near-extinction requires drastic action, the last resort may be to form a new labor movement à la John L. Lewis.如果Stern和他的NUP伙伴不能够劝说足够多的协会领导人,需要针对劳工锐减的问题采取更加充分果断的措施,最后一个手段可能是开展新的劳工运动(à la John L. Lewis这个不知道是什么,上下文中有吗?)
   Right now, the threat is mostly a way to provoke a sense of crisis. 现在,威胁主要在于如何唤醒危机感。
  And so far it seems to be working: America’s unions are poised for an internal debate more wide-ranging than any they have had in decades.而到目前为止,似乎危机感正在被唤醒:美国的协会联盟内部出现了近几十年来范围最广的争斗。
   Although it’s still early, one possible outcome is a more militant, pumped-up labor movement. 虽然现在下定论还为时过早,一种可能性的结果是出现武力性的劳工运动。
  If that happens, employers could feel renewed pressure to share with workers more of the gains from the economy’s healthy productivity growth. 如果出现这种情况,雇主们会有新的压力,迫使他们分给工人们更多的,由经济健康成长所带来的利润。Either way, the U.S. labor movement is in for some turbulent times.
  
作者:nada 时间:2007-12-26 01:46:36
  楼上的翻译错误很多,我修改下.
作者:nada 时间:2007-12-26 02:01:32
  The tangled politics in this close-knit group -- Stern’s wife has worked recently as a top Sweeney aide on environmental issues -- makes any leadership battle unpredictable.(这个庞大严密的组织里,政治关系错综复杂(Stern的老婆近期是Sweeney在处理环境问题的高级助理)(Stern和Sweeney分别是高层对立两方的核心,我觉得),使得领导权争夺充满变数.   CWA President Morton Bahr, an elder statesman of the federation, opposed Sweeney in 1995, figuring a power struggle was bad for labor, even though he agreed with Sweeney’s goals.CWA的会长Morton Bahr,作为一名联邦的政界元老,在1995年曾反对Sweeney,指出权利斗争对劳工不利,虽然他认同Sweeney的目标。
     He feels the same today and says he stands behind the incumbent but agrees that NUP raises urgent questions. "I’ll listen to what they propose, but I’m not ready to tear down the institution in order to remake it," he says.今天他仍然有同感,称他将支持现任领导人,但是他认为NUP提出了一些紧迫性问题.“我将听听他们的建议(NUP的建议)但我并不准备分裂组织,重建组织.”
作者:nada 时间:2007-12-26 02:03:22
  作者:cherry0792 回复日期:2007-12-26 0:20:49 
    If Stern and his NUP pals can’t persuade enough union leaders that labor’s near-extinction requires drastic action, the last resort may be to form a new labor movement à la John L. Lewis.如果Stern和他的NUP伙伴不能够劝说足够多的协会领导人,应对劳工这种岌岌可危的局面必须采取强有力的措施,最后一个手段可能是开展新的劳工运动(à la John L. Lewis这个不知道是什么,上下文中有吗?)
     Right now, the threat is mostly a way to provoke a sense of crisis. 现在,威胁主要在于如何唤醒危机感。
    And so far it seems to be working: America’s unions are poised for an internal debate more wide-ranging than any they have had in decades.而到目前为止,似乎危机感正在被唤醒:美国的工会联盟准备进行近几十年来最为广泛的辩论(寻求解决方案).
     Although it’s still early, one possible outcome is a more militant, pumped-up labor movement. 虽然现在言之尚为时过早,一种可能性的结果是出现更具战斗力和活力的劳工运动。
    If that happens, employers could feel renewed pressure to share with workers more of the gains from the economy’s healthy productivity growth. 如果出现这种情况,雇主们会有新的压力,迫使他们分给工人们更多的,由经济健康成长所带来的利润。Either way, the U.S. labor movement is in for some turbulent times.
  
  
  时间短促,对一些具体的背景不甚清楚,你可适当补充和修改.SWEET NIGHT!
作者:nada 时间:2007-12-26 02:10:34
  Either way, the U.S. labor movement is in for some turbulent times.
  无论未来走向如何,美国的劳工运动都要经历一些动荡时期.
作者:cherry0792 时间:2007-12-26 22:54:33
  nada 回复日期:2007-12-26 1:46:36 
    楼上的翻译错误很多,我修改下.
  **********************************************************
  Thank you for your correction.
  确实错误很多。
楼主werq1 时间:2007-12-27 06:55:50
  
  An ambitious, impatient man with the lean frame of a regular runner, Stern has turned the SEIU into a whirlwind of activity that he thinks others could emulate -- if they're willing to change how they operate. The SEIU nearly doubled in size, to 1.1 million, during Sweeney's tenure there, in part due to Stern's role as recruitment chief (a job Sweeney tapped him for in friendlier days). Then Stern took the reins and cracked the whip even harder. At the SEIU's 2000 convention, he persuaded delegates to set a specific recruitment spending target for all locals: 20% of their budgets, totaling $80 million. And he got them to come up with $50 million more for an organizing fund.
  
  Meanwhile, Stern funneled half of the international union's $100 million annual spending into membership growth. Overall, the SEIU and its locals devote some $180 million a year to expansion, says SEIU Executive Vice-President Tom Woodruff. That's nearly twice the AFL-CIO's entire annual budget.
  
  It has worked -- which is one reason even labor leaders Stern rubs the wrong way still pay him heed. While most unions are shedding members, the SEIU will hit 1.8 million by the end of the year, with only about 100,000 of the growth coming from mergers with smaller unions, says Woodruff. No other union comes close to matching such a record. Stern also has succeeded with low-skilled minorities and immigrants in high-growth occupations such as janitors and hospital aides. Their unionization is a sharp departure from the white males who historically comprised the rank and file of industrial unions.
  
  A CLEAN SWEEP
  Much of Stern's vision for labor is honed from his own experience battling employers. Consider the case of janitors. The union long had strongholds in major cities such as New York, where its 50,000 office-building janitors earn up to $18.57 an hour, plus benefits. But across the Hudson River in New Jersey, some 10,000 nonunion janitors make little more than the $5.15-an-hour minimum wage -- even though they're the same largely immigrant workers cleaning similar offices.
  
  Four years ago, as part of a nationwide janitors' campaign, the SEIU set out to sign up the New Jersey workers. The union only had about 1,000 janitors in the Newark area and had done little to keep pace as corporate flight from Manhattan led to a boom of new offices in northern New Jersey. Stern knew he couldn't run a typical recruitment drive, one janitorial contracting company at a time: In this fragmented industry, any that agreed to higher pay would be quickly undercut by nonunion rivals.
  
  So SEIU tackled whole markets at once. In 11 New Jersey counties, it told contractors that they wouldn't have to lift pay until the SEIU got 55% of those in their area to go along. The union then mounted strikes and rallies by would-be members and took other actions to try to force contractors to go along.
  
  The first 55% trigger point was reached in 2001, and the union contracts took effect. By the end of this year, the SEIU will represent about 70% of northern New Jersey janitors, whose pay now ranges up to $11.75 an hour, plus benefits. While that's still far short of the Manhattan wage, the SEIU is realistic enough to know that lower-priced New Jersey can't support the same pay. Nonetheless, unionization "has been beneficial to the industry because we're not undercutting each other, turnover is down, and workers are more dedicated and loyal," says Mark Blackburn, marketing vice-president at CSI International Inc., a privately held custodial-services company based in Red Bank, N.J., that employs 2,000 janitors in a dozen states and is the SEIU's largest New Jersey contractor.
  
  The janitor campaign is helping low-wage immigrants reach the mainstream. Rita Cortes, who came to the U.S. from Honduras 17 years ago, had been cleaning New Jersey offices for the minimum wage since 1988. When the SEIU contract kicked in three years ago, she jumped immediately from $5.15 an hour to $8, plus some benefits. Today, Cortes, 54, earns $9.75 as a nighttime office cleaner in Secaucus and will go to $10.75 in October. "Now my husband and I can eat better, and I get three weeks' vacation a year, which I never had before," says Cortes.
  
  To Stern and his NUP colleagues, the lesson is elementary: Unions can't lift workers into the middle class unless they control a significant chunk of the labor market, either geographically or by industry. Hence their focus on membership density. It's not enough, they say, to simply increase their absolute numbers. Unions must think strategically, targeting whole areas and industries and coordinating their efforts against market forces that drive companies to undercut each other.
  
  Few labor leaders disagree in principle, but only a handful have taken any such action. Many bristle at the notion that the AFL-CIO would force them to recruit in specific industries, as Stern and the others are suggesting. But last year, in a white paper called United We Win, Stern laid out labor's uncoordinated and overlapping structure and showed how multiple unions represent workers in the same industry. He found that there are 8 unions with a significant presence in nondurable goods such as clothing, 9 in heavy manufacturing such as autos, 13 representing government workers, and 15 each in construction and transportation. If Stern had his way, there would be one or two giant unions in each industry sector.
  
楼主werq1 时间:2007-12-27 06:56:55
  谢谢哈 还有这个 谢谢
作者:outtowner 时间:2007-12-27 07:56:55
  
   。。。。。。
  
作者:raining08183 时间:2007-12-27 08:59:07
  想问LZ你是干啥的呀???咋就这么多呢? -_-!!!
作者:东灌灌西灌灌 时间:2007-12-27 12:32:12
  作者:outtowner 回复日期:2007-12-27 7:56:55 
    
     。。。。。。
  
楼主werq1 时间:2007-12-27 15:37:08
  作业 我也觉得好多哦 已经推迟N天交了 。。汗!
作者:可怜的小戴 时间:2007-12-27 20:55:27
  。。。。
发表回复

请遵守天涯社区公约言论规则,不得违反国家法律法规